The Communities’ Christian Democrat grouping was founded as part of the background to the European Coal and Steel Community in 1953, consisting of assorted delegates to its Common Assembly. But its deeper origins go back to 1925, when parties that had emerged from the Catholic Centre Right met at Paris and formed an association. This re-emerged after the Second World War and combined after a manner during the negotiations around the Congress of Europe in the late 1940’s.

Ambitions were high. In a key debate in 1958, Christian-Democratic Group spokesman, Eduardo Martino, declared of his fledgling assembly, "It will be the European Parliament's task to build up Europe as a political, geographical, economic and military unit." The assembly soon would grant itself the dignity of title of parliament a good decade before the treaties do.

Steps for closer coordination between constituent members were slowly taken, as the Brussels Parliament acquired more power. A “Political Committee” was formed in 1972. A move in 1975 to formally unify the various Christian Democrats fell, though it contributed to a move the following year to launch the Statute of the EPP. This statute allowed other, non-Christian Democrat, parties to join – provided that they adhered to their centrist values.

Their first Congress takes place in 1978, where they proudly declared, "We, the European People's Party [...] desire the unity of Europe. It was Christian-Democratic statesmen such as Robert SCHUMAN, Alcide de GASPERI and Konrad ADENAUER, who laid the foundations for what has been achieved so far. We are continuing their successful work. We are firmly resolved to bring this historic work in their spirit to fruition. Our goal is a federation of Europe, as proposed by Robert SCHUMAN on 9 May 1950."

In 1985, the Group met a fortnight after the launch of the Cockfield Report (on the Single Market) to put forward proposals to increase the powers held by the European Parliament. Needless to say, this was not the intent of the Thatcher Government. With the adoption of the Single European Act, the EPP begins its regular and Faustian cooperation with the PES “to enable the Parliament to muster the majorities which enable it to play a full role in the cooperation procedure”.

In 1989, the Spanish joined the EPP. But the British, Danes (and some French) would only follow in 1992, after Margaret Thatcher’s anti-integrationist influence on the Conservative Party has been removed, and John Major endorses the Maastricht Treaty (albeit with some opt outs which his Cabinet has forced). This proves to be a critical error of judgement. EPP integrationism advances with each passing new treaty and the power that accrues to the centre. The concept of a “third force” in European politics – non-integrationist and pro-member state – is reduced to two tiny bands of continental MEPs, including the likes of the Dane Jens-Peter Bonde, and Sir James Goldsmith. The nation state’s long term future seems doomed.

With the advent of the millennium, the integration progress accelerates. The Treaty of Amsterdam is to be succeeded by Nice; Nice by the Charter of Fundamental Rights; the Charter by the Laeken Declaration and the Constitutional Convention; and this turns into the EU Constitution at Rome. The EPP continues meanwhile every working week to support legislation that pushes directly and indirectly for ever-closer union, and backs Yes votes in referenda across Europe.

Attempts have been made to sort out this skewing of Conservativism. In Malaga in 1999, efforts were made to bolster the ED side of the arrangement. Pledges were made under successive leaders, most recently under Michael Howard, so that the Conservative pillar would prove less of a façade and more of a prop. But, consistently, these pledges have been broken. It is, after all, not in the EPP’s interest to have a semi-autonomous wing.

Today, the EPP continues to argue for the ratification (in whole or as much as can be salvaged) of the failed EU Constitution. It supports the Charter of Fundamental Rights. It calls for an EU Constitution, a Solidarity Clause in key areas of Defence (like NATO’s mutual defence pact), and more Justice and Home Affairs powers. It wants more powers for the European Parliament, and more say over a budget it has proved incompetent at policing. It wants a European taxation system. And it continues to direct money towards skewing referenda in its own political favour.

It continues as ever to support an alien “Social Europe” – in utter contrariness to David Cameron’s pledge to end this damaging obsession.

Most tellingly of all, it even boasts of its supposed role in the EU Constitution in giving national Parliaments a “Yellow Card” to halt legislation, in which it displays three major acts of mendacity. Firstly, the right can be ignored by the Commission, so it provides no power at all. Secondly, the EPP failed to support the amendment by a British Conservative, David Heathcoat-Amory, to give any single Parliament a red card and real veto power. And thirdly, it was actually Gisela Stuart – a British Socialist – who pushed the idea in the first place! Always beware the rose spectacles when dealing with EPP press releases.